The following links identify the
topics of specific sections. The links
that are in Bold are more relevant to this assignment. However, the entire speech provides great examples
of the ways that FDR integrates principles of democracy into this address to
the United States Congress.
Introduction and Purpose of Message
In paragraphs 2 - 10 FDR reviews the interaction between the US
and Europe since 1789.
In the paragraphs 11 - 21 FDR makes a case for increased
participation of US in World War II.
In paragraphs 30 - 34 FDR argues for more aggressive national
defense.
In paragraphs 35 - 51 FDR details policy for increasing
national defense.
Conclusion—summary of entire argument
of annual message
Franklin
D. Roosevelt: 1933-1945
3
Annual Message to Congress.
Mr. President, Mr. Speaker, Members of the Seventy-seventh Congress:
1. I
address you, the Members of the Seventy-seventh Congress, at a moment
unprecedented in the history of the
[In paragraphs 2 - 10 FDR reviews the
interaction between the
2. Since
the permanent formation of our Government under the Constitution, in 1789, most
of the periods of crisis in our history have related to our domestic affairs.
Fortunately, only one of these—the four-year War Between the States—ever
threatened our national unity. Today, thank God, one hundred and thirty million
Americans, in forty-eight States, have forgotten points of the compass in our
national unity.
3. It
is true that prior to 1914 the
4. What
I seek to convey is the historic truth that the
5. That
determination of ours, extending over all these years, was proved, for example,
during the quarter century of wars following the French Revolution.
6. While
the Napoleonic struggles did threaten interests of the United States because of
the French foothold in the West Indies and in Louisiana, and while we engaged
in the War of 1812 to vindicate our right to peaceful trade, it is nevertheless
clear that neither France nor Great Britain, nor any other nation, was aiming
at domination of the whole world.
7. In
like fashion from 1815 to 1914— ninety-nine years— no single war in
8. Except
in the Maximilian interlude in
9. Even
when the World War broke out in 1914, it seemed to contain only small threat of
danger to our own American future. But, as time went on, the American people
began to visualize what the downfall of democratic nations might mean to our
own democracy.
10. We
need not overemphasize imperfections in the Peace of Versailles. We need not
harp on failure of the democracies to deal with problems of world
reconstruction. We should remember that the Peace of 1919 was far less unjust
than the kind of "pacification" which began even before
[In the paragraphs 11 - 21 FDR
makes a case for increased participation of US in World War II.]
11. Every
realist knows that the democratic way of life is at this moment being' directly
assailed in every part of the world—assailed either by arms, or by secret
spreading of poisonous propaganda by those who seek to destroy unity and
promote discord in nations that are still at peace.
12. During
sixteen long months this assault has blotted out the whole pattern of
democratic life in an appalling number of independent nations, great and small.
The assailants are still on the march, threatening other nations, great and
small.
13. Therefore,
as your President, performing my constitutional duty to "give to the
Congress information of the state of the
14. Armed
defense of democratic existence is now being gallantly waged in four
continents. If that defense fails, all the population and all the resources of
15. In
times like these it is immature—and incidentally, untrue—for anybody to brag
that an unprepared
16. No
realistic American can expect from a dictator's peace international generosity,
or return of true independence, or world disarmament, or freedom of expression,
or freedom of religion -or even good business.
17. Such
a peace would bring no security for us or for our neighbors. "Those, who
would give up essential liberty to purchase a little temporary safety, deserve
neither liberty nor safety."
18. As
a nation, we may take pride in the fact that we are softhearted; but we cannot
afford to be soft-headed.
19. We
must always be wary of those who with sounding brass and a tinkling cymbal
preach the "ism" of appeasement.
20. We
must especially beware of that small group of selfish men who would clip the
wings of the American eagle in order to feather their own nests.
21. I
have recently pointed out how quickly the tempo of modern warfare could bring
into our very midst the physical attack which we must eventually expect if the
dictator nations win this war. [Reference to his
[In paragraphs 22 – 29 FDR argues
that the
22. There
is much loose talk of our immunity from immediate and direct invasion from
across the seas. Obviously, as long as the British Navy retains its power, no such
danger exists. Even if there were no British Navy, it is not probable that any
enemy would be stupid enough to attack us by landing troops in the
23. But
we learn much from the lessons of the past years in Europe-particularly the
lesson of
24. The
first phase of the invasion of this Hemisphere would not be the landing of
regular troops. The necessary strategic points would be occupied by secret
agents and their dupes- and great numbers of them are already here, and in
25. As
long as the aggressor nations maintain the offensive, they-not we—will choose
the time and the place and the method of their attack.
26. That
is why the future of all the American Republics is today in serious danger.
27. That
is why this Annual Message to the Congress is unique in our history.
28. That
is why every member of the Executive Branch of the Government and every member
of the Congress faces great responsibility and great accountability.
29. The
need of the moment is that our actions and our policy should be devoted
primarily-almost exclusively—to meeting this foreign peril. For all our
domestic problems are now a part of the great emergency.
[In paragraphs 30 - 34 FDR argues for more aggressive national defense.]
30. Just
as our national policy in internal affairs has been based upon a decent respect
for the rights and the dignity of all our fellow men within our gates, so our
national policy in foreign affairs has been based on a decent respect for the
rights and dignity of all nations, large and small. And the justice of morality
must and will win in the end.
Our national policy is this:
31. First,
by an impressive expression of the public will and without regard to
partisanship, we are committed to all-inclusive national defense.
32. Second,
by an impressive expression of the public will and without regard to
partisanship, we are committed to full support of all those resolute peoples,
everywhere, who are resisting aggression and are thereby keeping war away from
our Hemisphere. By this support, we express our determination that the
democratic cause shall prevail; and we strengthen the defense and the security
of our own nation.
33. Third,
by an impressive expression of the public will and without regard to
partisanship, we are committed to the proposition that principles of morality and
considerations for our own security will never permit us to acquiesce in a
peace dictated by aggressors and sponsored by appeasers. We know that enduring
peace cannot be bought at the cost of other people's freedom.
34. In
the recent national election there was no substantial difference between the
two great parties in respect to that national policy. No issue was fought out
on this line before the American electorate. Today it is abundantly evident
that American citizens everywhere are demanding and supporting speedy and
complete action in recognition of obvious danger.
[In paragraphs 35 - 51 FDR details policy for increasing national defense.]
35. Therefore,
the immediate need is a swift and driving increase in our armament production.
36. Leaders
of industry and labor have responded to our summons. Goals of speed have been
set. In some cases these goals are being reached ahead of time; in some cases
we are on schedule; in other cases there are slight but not serious delays; and
in some cases—and I am sorry to say very important cases—we are all concerned
by the slowness of the accomplishment of our plans.
37. The
Army and Navy, however, have made substantial progress during the past year.
Actual experience is improving and speeding up our methods of production with
every passing day. And today's best is not good enough for tomorrow.
38. I
am not satisfied with the progress thus far made. The men in charge of the
program represent the best in training, in ability, and in patriotism. They are
not satisfied with the progress thus far made. None of us will be satisfied
until the job is done.
39. No
matter whether the original goal was set too high or too low, our objective is
quicker and better results. To give you two illustrations:
40. We
are behind schedule in turning out finished airplanes; we are working day and
night to solve the innumerable problems and to catch up.
41. We
are ahead of schedule in building warships but we are working to get even
further ahead of that schedule.
42. To
change a whole nation from a basis of peacetime production of implements of
peace to a basis of wartime production of implements of war is no small task.
And the greatest difficulty comes at the beginning of the program, when new
tools, new plant facilities, new assembly lines, and new ship ways must first
be constructed before the actual materiel begins to flow steadily and speedily
from them.
43. The
Congress, of course, must rightly keep itself informed at all times of the
progress of the program. However, there is certain information, as the Congress
itself will readily recognize, which, in the interests of our own security and
those of the nations that we are supporting, must of needs be kept in
confidence.
44. New
circumstances are constantly begetting new needs for our safety. I shall ask
this Congress for greatly increased new appropriations and authorizations to
carry on what we have begun.
45. I
also ask this Congress for authority and for funds sufficient to manufacture
additional munitions and war supplies of many kinds, to be turned over to those
nations which are now in actual war with aggressor nations.
46. Our
most useful and immediate role is to act as an arsenal for them as well as for
ourselves. They do not need man power, but they do need billions of dollars
worth of the weapons of defense.
47. The
time is near when they will not be able to pay for them all in ready cash. We
cannot, and we will not, tell them that they must surrender, merely because of
present inability to pay for the weapons which we know they must have.
48. I
do not recommend that we make them a loan of dollars with which to pay for
these weapons—a loan to be repaid in dollars.
49. I
recommend that we make it possible for those nations to continue to obtain war
materials in the
50. Taking
counsel of expert military and naval authorities, considering what is best for
our own security, we are free to decide how much should be kept here and how
much should be sent abroad to our friends who by their determined and heroic
resistance are giving us time in which to make ready our own defense.
51. For
what we send abroad, we shall be repaid within a reasonable time following the
close of hostilities, in similar materials, or, at our option, in other goods
of many kinds, which they can produce and which we need.
52. Let
us say to the democracies: "We Americans are vitally concerned in your
defense of freedom. We are putting forth our energies, our resources and our
organizing powers to give you the strength to regain and maintain a free world.
We shall send you, in ever-increasing numbers, ships, planes, tanks, guns. This
is our purpose and our pledge."
53. In
fulfillment of this purpose we will not be intimidated by the threats of dictators
that they will regard as a breach of international law or as an act of war our
aid to the democracies which dare to resist their aggression. Such aid is not
an act of war, even if a dictator should unilaterally proclaim it so to be.
54. When
the dictators, if the dictators, are ready to make war upon us, they will not
wait for an act of war on our part. They did not wait for
55. Their
only interest is in a new one-way international law, which lacks mutuality in
its observance, and, therefore, becomes an instrument of oppression.
56. The
happiness of future generations of Americans may well depend upon how effective
and how immediate we can make our aid felt. No one can tell the exact character
of the emergency situations that we may be called upon to meet. The Nation's
hands must not be tied when the Nation's life is in danger.
57. We
must all prepare to make the sacrifices that the emergency-almost as serious as
war itself—demands. Whatever stands in the way of speed and efficiency in
defense preparations must give way to the national need.
58. A
free nation has the right to expect full cooperation from all groups. A free
nation has the right to look to the leaders of business, of labor, and of
agriculture to take the lead in stimulating effort, not among other groups but
within their own groups.
59. The
best way of dealing with the few slackers or trouble makers in our midst is,
first, to shame them by patriotic example, and, if that fails, to use the sovereignty
of Government to save Government.
60. As
men do not live by bread alone, they do not fight by armaments alone. Those who
man our defenses, and those behind them who build our defenses, must have the
stamina and the courage which come from unshakable belief in the manner of life
which they are defending. The mighty action that we are calling for cannot be
based on a disregard of all things worth fighting for.
61. The
Nation takes great satisfaction and much strength from the things which have
been done to make its people conscious of their individual stake in the
preservation of democratic life in
62. Certainly
this is no time for any of us to stop thinking about the social and economic
problems which are the root cause of the social revolution which is today a
supreme factor in the world.
[In paragraphs 63 – 71 FDR addresses the need to sustain and expand New Deal programs, e.g. social security. He connects this request to patriotism and the need to be prepared to fight for democracy in WWII. ]
63. For
there is nothing mysterious about the foundations of a healthy and strong
democracy. The basic things expected by our people of their political and
economic systems are simple. They are:
Equality of
opportunity for youth and for others.
Jobs for
those who can work.
Security for
those who need it.
The ending
of special privilege for the few.
The
preservation of civil liberties for all.
64. The
enjoyment of the fruits of scientific progress in a wider and constantly rising
standard of living.
These are the simple, basic things that must never
be lost sight of in the turmoil and unbelievable complexity of our modern
world. The inner and abiding strength of our economic and political systems is
dependent upon the degree to which they fulfill these expectations.
65. Many
subjects connected with our social economy call for immediate improvement.
As examples:
66. We
should bring more citizens under the coverage of old-age pensions and
unemployment insurance.
67. We
should widen the opportunities for adequate medical care.
68. We
should plan a better system by which persons deserving or needing gainful
employment may obtain it.
69. I
have called for personal sacrifice. I am assured of the willingness of almost
all Americans to respond to that call.
70. A
part of the sacrifice means the payment of more money in taxes. In my Budget
Message I shall recommend that a greater portion of this great defense program
be paid for from taxation than we are paying today. No person should try, or be
allowed, to get rich out of this program; and the principle of tax payments in
accordance with ability to pay should be constantly before our eyes to guide
our legislation.
71. If
the Congress maintains these principles, the voters, putting patriotism ahead
of pocketbooks, will give you their applause.
72. In
the future days, which we seek to make secure, we look forward to a world
founded upon four essential human freedoms.
73. The
first is freedom of speech and expression—everywhere in the world.
74. The
second is freedom of every person to worship God in his own way—everywhere in
the world.
75. The
third is freedom from want—which, translated into world terms, means economic
understandings which will secure to every nation a healthy peacetime life for
its inhabitants-everywhere in the world.
76. The
fourth is freedom from fear—which, translated into world terms, means a
world-wide reduction of armaments to such a point and in such a thorough
fashion that no nation will be in a position to commit an act of physical
aggression against any neighbor—anywhere in the world.
[Conclusion/ summary of entire argument of annual message]
77. That
is no vision of a distant millennium. It is a definite basis for a kind of
world attainable in our own time and generation. That kind of world is the very
antithesis of the so-called new order of tyranny which the dictators seek to
create with the crash of a bomb.
78. To
that new order we oppose the greater conception—the moral order. A good society
is able to face schemes of world domination and foreign revolutions alike
without fear.
79. Since
the beginning of our American history, we have been engaged in change—in a
perpetual peaceful revolution—a revolution which goes on steadily, quietly
adjusting itself to changing conditions—without the concentration camp or the
quick-lime in the ditch. The world order which we seek is the cooperation of
free countries, working together in a friendly, civilized society.
80. This nation has placed its destiny in the hands and heads and hearts of its millions of free men and women; and its faith in freedom under the guidance of God. Freedom means the supremacy of human rights everywhere. Our support goes to those who struggle to gain those rights or keep them. Our strength is our unity of purpose. To that high concept there can be no end save victory