Excerpt from: Michael Harrington, The Other America (1962).
There
is a familiar America. It is celebrated in speeches and advertised
on television and in the magazines. It
has the highest mass standard of living the world has ever known.
In the
1950s this America worried about itself, yet even
its anxieties were products of abundance.
The title of a brilliant book was widely misinterpreted, and the
familiar America began to call itself ‘the
affluent society.’ There was
introspection about Madison Avenue and tail fins; there was discussion of the
emotional suffering taking place in the suburbs. In all this, there was an implicit assumption
that the basic grinding economic problems had been solved in the United States. In this theory the nation’s problems were no
longer a matter of basic human needs, of food, shelter, and clothing. Now they were seen as qualitative, a question
of learning to live decently amid luxury.
While
this discussion was carried on, there existed another America. In it dwelt somewhere between 40,000,000 and
50,000,000 citizens of this land. They
were poor. They still are.
To be
sure, the other America is not impoverished in the same
sense as those poor nations where millions cling to hunger as a defense against
starvation. This country has escaped
such extremes. That does not change the
fact that tens of millions of Americans are, at this very moment, maimed in
body and spirit, existing at levels beneath those necessary for human
decency. If these people are not starving,
they are hungry, and sometimes fat with hunger, for that is what cheap foods
do. They are without adequate housing
and education and medical care.
The
Government has documented what this means to the bodies of the poor . . . . But
even more basic, this poverty twists and deforms the spirit. The American poor are pessimistic and
defeated, and they are victimized by mental suffering to a degree unknown in
Suburbia . . . .
The
millions who are poor in the United States tend to become increasingly invisible. Here is a great mass of people, yet it takes
an effort of the intellect and will even to see them.
I
discovered this personally in a curious way.
After I wrote my first article on poverty in America, I had all the statistics down
on paper. I had proved to my
satisfaction that there were around 50,000,000 poor in this country. Yet, I realized I did not believe my own
figures. The poor existed in Government
reports; they were percentages and numbers in long, close columns, but they
were not part of my experience. I could
prove that the other America existed, but I had never been
there.
My
response was not accidental. It was typical of what is happening to an entire
society, and it reflects profound social changes in this nation. The other America, the America of poverty, is hidden today in
a way that it never was before. Its
millions are socially invisible to the rest of us. No wonder that so many misinterpreted [John
K.] Galbraith’s title and assumed that the “affluent society” meant that everyone
had a decent standard of life. The
misinterpretation was true as far as the actual day-to-day lives of two-thirds
of the nation were concerned. Thus, one
must begin a description of the other America by understanding why we do not
see it.
There
are perennial reasons that make the other America an invisible land.
Poverty
is off the beaten track. It always has
been. The ordinary tourist never left
the main highway, and today he rides interstate turnpikes. He does not go into the valleys of Pennsylvania where the towns look like movie
sets of Wales in the thirties. He does not see the company houses in rows,
the rutted roads (the poor always have bad roads, whether they live in the
city, in towns, or on farms), and everything is black and dirty. And even if he were to pass through such a
place by accident, the tourist would not meet the unemployed men in the bar or
the women coming home from a runaway sweatshop.
Then,
too, beauty and myth are perennial masks of poverty. The traveler comes to the Appalachians in the lovely season. He sees the hills, the streams, the foliage –
but not the poor. Or perhaps he looks at
a run-down mountain house and, remembering [French Enlightenment philosopher]
Rousseau rather than seeing with his own eyes, decides that ‘those people’ are
truly fortunate to be living the way they are and that they are lucky to be
exempt from the strains and tensions of the middle class. The only problem is that “those people,” the
quaint inhabitants of those hills, are undereducated, underprivileged, lack
medical care, and are in the process of being forced from the land into a life
in the cities, where they are misfits.
These
are normal and obvious causes of the invisibility of the poor. They operated a generation ago; they will be
functioning a generation hence. It is
more important to understand that the very development of American society is
creating a new kind of blindness about poverty.
The poor are increasingly slipping out of the very experience and
consciousness of the nation.
If the
middle class never did like ugliness and poverty, it was at least aware of
them. “Across the tracks” was not a very
long way to go. There were forays into
the slums at Christmas time; there were charitable organizations that brought
contact with the poor. Occasionally,
almost everyone passed through the Negro ghetto or the blocks of the tenements,
if only to get downtown to work or to entertainment.
Now the
American city has been transformed. The
poor still inhabit the miserable housing in the central area, but they are
increasingly isolated from contact with, or sight of, anybody else. Middle-class women coming in from Suburbia on
a rare trip may catch the merest glimpse of other America on the way to an evening at the
theater, but the children are segregated in suburban schools. The business or professional man may drive
along the fringes of slums in a car or bus, but it is not an important
experience to him. The failure, the
unskilled, the disabled, the aged, and the minorities are right there, across
the tracks, where they have always been.
But hardly anyone else is.
In
short, the very development of the American city has removed poverty from the
living, emotional experience of millions upon millions of middle-class Americans. Living out in the suburbs, it is easy to
assume that ours is, indeed, an affluent society.
This
new segregation of poverty is compounded by a well-meaning ignorance. A good many concerned and sympathetic
Americans are aware that there is much discussion of urban renewal. Suddenly, driving through the city, they
notice that a familiar slum has been torn down and that there are towering,
modern buildings where once there had been tenements and hovels. There is a warm feeling of
satisfaction, of pride in the ways thing are working out: the poor, it
is obvious, are being taken care of.
The
irony in this . . . is that the truth is nearly the exact opposite to the
impression. The total impact of the
various housing programs in postwar America has been to squeeze more and
more people into existing slums. More
often than not, the modern apartment in a towering building rents at $40 a room
or more. For, during the past decade and
a half, there has been more subsidization of middle- and upper-income housing
than there has been for the poor.
Clothes
make the poor invisible too; America has the best-dressed poverty
the world has ever known. For a variety
of reasons, the benefits of mass production have been spread much more evenly
in this area than in many others. It is
much easier in the United States to be decently dressed than it
is to be decently housed, fed, or doctored.
Even people with terribly depressed incomes can look prosperous.
This is
an extremely important factor in defining our emotional and existential
ignorance of poverty. In Detroit the existence of social classes
became much more difficult to discern the day the companies put lockers in the
plants. From that moment on, one did not
see men in work clothes on the way to the factory, but citizens in slacks and
white shirts. This process has been
magnified with the poor throughout the country.
There are tens of thousands of Americans in the big cities who are
wearing shoes, perhaps even a stylishly cut suit or dress, and yet are
hungry. It is not a matter of planning,
though it almost seems as if the affluent society had given out costumes to the
poor so that they would not offend the rest of society with the sight of rags.
Then,
many of the poor are the wrong age to be seen. A good number of them (over 8,000,000) are
sixty-five years of age or better; an even larger number are under
eighteen. The aged members of the other America are often sick, and they cannot
move. Another group of them live out
their lives in loneliness and frustration: they sit in rented rooms, or else
they stay close to a house in a neighborhood that has completely changed from
the old days. Indeed, one of the worst
aspects of poverty among the aged is that these people are out of sight and out
of mind, and alone.
The
young are somewhat more visible, yet they too stay close to their
neighborhoods. Sometimes they advertise their poverty through a lurid tabloid
story about a gang killing. But
generally they do not disturb the quiet streets of the middle class.
And
finally, the poor are politically invisible.
It is one of the cruelest ironies of social life in advanced countries
that the dispossessed at the bottom of society are unable to speak for themselves. The
people of the other America do not, by far and large,
belong to unions, to fraternal organizations, or to political parties. They are without lobbies of their own; they
put forward no legislative program. As a
group, they are atomized. They have no face; they have no voice . . . .
That the
poor are invisible is one of the most important things about them. They are not simply neglected and forgotten
as in the old rhetoric of reform; what is much worse, they are not seen.